Xi Jinping: On the Relationship Between The Arts and Politics
1989 Oct 15
See all posts
Xi Jinping: On the Relationship Between The Arts and Politics @ Satoshi Nakamoto
- Author
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Xi Jinping
- Email
-
satoshinakamotonetwork@proton.me
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https://satoshinakamoto.network
The relationship between the arts and politics is one
of great theoretical importance. According to Dialectical Materialism,
the arts and politics are neither separable nor equivalent.
Literature and art belong to the same social superstructure as
politics.[^2] They are thus ultimately determined by, and play a role
in, the economic base of society. As Engels once said, "Political,
juridical, philosophical, religious, literary, artistic, etc.,
development is based on economic development. But all these react upon
one another and also upon the economic base." The
arts are a reflection of society, like philosophy and religion. They
are, however, as Engels noted, "ideological spheres that are further
removed from their material and economic bases." The relationship of
literature and art to the economic base is more indirect than that of
politics and law. Both the action of the economic base on literature and
the reaction of literature on the economic base are always mediated
through other "intermediate links" in the superstructure — morality,
philosophy, religion, and especially politics. Because "politics is the
most concentrated expression of economics" and
in a dominant position within the superstructure, it has the closest and
most direct relationship to literature and art. No matter how much
influence progressive or reactionary literature has had on society, it
must be affirmed that the socio-political context of the time takes
precedence in setting the conditions for the creation of said
literature, and whatever effect it then has in turn. Without the
struggle of the French bourgeoisie against the feudal aristocracy in the
18th century there would have been no Enlightenment literature, and
without the extraordinary May Fourth Movement Chinese journalism would
not have come into being. Countless such examples affirm the inseparable
relationship between literature, art, and politics.
On the other hand, the two — the arts and politics — cannot be
reduced to one another. Comrade Mao Zedong, in his Talks at the
Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art, argued that "politics cannot be
equated with art, nor can a general world outlook be equated with a
method of artistic creation and criticism." As
elements of the superstructure, the arts and politics have relative
independence from each other, and their own specificity. This
independence manifests in content, in form, and in method; they are
special sorts of intellectual production with irreplaceable social
functions. As Mr. Lu Xun writes, "Literature and art are the fires
emitted by the national spirit, and they are also the lights that guide
the future of the national spirit." Literary and artistic
works greatly influence the national spirit, the social climate, and
even the ideological and cultural standards of future generations.
High-quality literature and art may inspire revolutionary ideals, forge
national pride, and lift people's hearts and minds. The arts have a
particularly critical role to play in the present era. They can unite,
inspire, and motivate the people to achieve the "Four Modernizations,"
to revitalize China, and to develop a conception of socialism with
distinctive Chinese characteristics. Such a task cannot be left entirely
up to politicians. Marx once discussed the phenomenon of unbalanced
development in literature and art, the relationship of material
production to artistic flourishing during various historical epochs. He
concluded that artistic development proceeds according to its own laws,
distinct from those of political and economic development. We must
discover and respect these laws when managing literary and artistic
production.
Decades of practical experience have shown us that correctly
understanding the relationship between literature, art, and politics is
precisely what allows all of them to thrive. To correctly manage this
relationship we are required to draw and implement policies designed to
counter and overcome two biased viewpoints in particular.
The first of these is the viewpoint that literature and politics are
equivalent, thereby erasing their unique nature. This view completely
goes against the law of literary and artistic development. Excessively
integrating literature and art into political struggle binds their hands
and feet, and turns them into a mere echo of politics. This view is the
source of formulaic understandings of the artistic process. It demands
artists explicitly declare and underscore certain "lines" or "themes";
it prescribes forms and models and subordinates art to the specific
policies of the various different periods. This leads to "False, Big,
Empty" artistic creation. From the collections of slogans during the
Great Leap Forward, to the mass poetry compositions at Xiao Jinzhuang,
the situation of "8 plays for 800 million people" demonstrated how
counter-productive such measures could be. They brought about a sense
that art was suffocated and that people's thoughts were being
confined.
The other viewpoint that must be opposed and overcome is the pursuit
of so-called "pure" art. This one argues for detachment from politics,
distance from reality, and hides away in ivory towers, preaching "art
for art's sake." Literary works created with such prejudice often appear
muddled and difficult, or pale and decadent, as a result of being
depleted of life and lacking in courage. The result is mournful and
nihilistic art. Already 40 years ago Comrade Mao Zedong called on us to
"Ensure that literature and art fit well into the whole revolutionary
machine as a component part, that they operate as powerful weapons for
uniting and educating the people and for attacking and destroying the
enemy, and that they help the people fight the enemy with one heart and
one mind." In the revolutionary war years art
and politics were inseparable. In times of peace and construction, art
should also keep pace with the times. Because our literature and art are
for the people and for socialism, they cannot be without ideals, goals,
and social responsibilities.
Whether it criticizes stereotypes or sings the spirit of the times,
whether it denounces negative and ugly phenomena or praises heroic
feats, whether it contemplates past history or looks forward and
speculates about the future — no matter how different the shapes and
colors of our literary production, their social effect should
approximate one single goal: they should reflect the people's sense of
historical responsibility for national rejuvenation and social progress.
This means that works should ultimately promote values such as hard work
and courage, unity and struggle, reform and innovation. They should look
to improve Chinese people's national self-esteem and self-confidence,
and encourage them to stand tall among the world's nations. Countless
examples from history — both Chinese and foreign — testify that the
truly great works of literature and art are always rooted in the fertile
soil of society. They articulate the spirit of the times, echo the
footsteps of history, and deeply reflect the socio-political content of
their epoch.
Take, for example, the literary creations of this new period. Whether
we consider the rebellious poetry in memory of Premier Zhou at Tiananmen
Square or the "scar literature" that emerged afterwards, all such works
have addressed political questions and aroused strong feelings among the
people. It's no wonder Tiananmen poetry came to be recognized as an
expression of will and faith, of the intertwined hearts of people and
party. It was the unceasing roar of the people, the immortal song of the
times. The social impact of art reached unprecedented heights. Many
literary works expressing reform themes such as Jiang
Zilong's Manager Qiao Assumes Office and He Shiguang's On
the Countryside have a large readership because they tackle the
burning questions of the day, awaken the people's curiosity, and
chronicle political life and both the ups and downs of the whole
process. Comrade Deng Xiaoping pointed out:
Our literary and artistic creations must give expression to our
people's outstanding qualities and celebrate their triumphs in
revolution, in construction and in struggles against all kinds of
enemies and hardships. [...] Writers and artists should consciously draw
source material, themes, plots, language and poetic and artistic
inspiration from the life of the people and be nourished by the dynamic
spirit of the people, who make history. Fundamentally, this is the road
which our socialist literature and art must take if it is to
flourish.
To correctly understand the relationship between literature and
politics, we must conscientiously implement the "adapt ancient and
foreign knowledge to our current situation" and "let a hundred flowers
blossom and a hundred school of thoughts contend" policies proposed by
Comrade Mao Zedong. We must grasp the relationship between Party
leadership and the development of literature and art. Deng Xiaoping
said:
Leadership doesn't mean handing out administrative orders and
demanding that literature and art serve immediate, short-range political
goals. It means understanding the special characteristics of literature
and art and the laws of their development and creating conditions for
them to flourish. That is, it means creating conditions that help
writers and artists to improve their skills and to produce fine works
and performances truly worthy of our great people and era.
Firstly, conscientious exercise of political leadership in literature
entails clear guidelines as to the primacy of the one central task —
economic construction — and the two safeguards — adherence to the Four
Cardinal Principles and to Reform and Opening Up.
Secondly, it entails respect. We must respect the work of writers and
artists, the laws of literary development, and the needs of both artists
and art itself. We must give full play to the creative talents and
creative spirit of individual artists and writers. The role of
literature and art should be appropriately estimated, and issues of
right and wrong should be analyzed and developed in a realistic manner.
We must conscientiously implement the principle of letting a hundred
flowers bloom, innovating the old and bringing forth the new. Leverage
foreign ideas for China, use the past for the present as a compass, and
guarantee the freedom of creation and criticism for writers and critics
both. In terms of form and style, we should encourage free
experimentation. In terms of theory, free discussion. Just as freedom
for creativity is extended, there is also an expectation that political
and conscientious artists will create works that directly serve the
people and socialism, the progress of society, and the stability and
unity of the country. Any reckless attitudes towards life and towards
society are wrong. We must oppose those who, under the guise of creative
freedom, use literature and art as a political tool to promote bourgeois
liberalization; those who challenge the line, guidelines, and policies
of the Party, and deny its leadership. Literary works are not the best
means for cathartic venting. We've already witnessed certain periods
where audiences were flooded with obscene books and films, low-quality
literary fare. The excuse of "behavioral art" brought "foot washing" and "chicken hatching" to the halls of the National Art
Museum of China. This trend essentially amounts to the destruction of
beauty and the desecration of art in the name thereof.
Thirdly, we should actively promote and develop a lively and healthy
culture of art criticism. The different styles, forms, and genres must
be open to competition. The debate of literary issues should be
encouraged. Newspapers should be at the forefront of implementing the
policies of "adapting the old and foreign" and "letting a hundred
flowers bloom." They should attempt to be objective, and host healthy,
democratic, mutually respectful, and equitable discussions.
Fourthly, we should explore new working methods. Party committees at
all levels should be exemplary in their implementation of the policy on
literature and art. They should strengthen interactions with literary
and artistic workers, brief them on the political situation, listen to
their opinions and demands, and do their best to provide them with any
assistance they require in order to gain the deepest possible
understanding of social life. Adhere to principles with discipline, but
without interfering across the board. That said, to ask the Party and
the government to refrain from intervening in literature and art
altogether is untenable. It is in fact impossible for the government and
the ruling party of any country to completely abstain from intervention
in the arts. What we ought to do is discuss the scope and means of
intervention, as well as its goals. What really matters isn't whether
there is more or less intervention, but rather what is its basis and
which ends it serves.
We are a socialist country guided by Marxism. The Party's knowledge
of literature and art should adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles and
focus on grasping the overall political direction. The Party should
comment on specific literary and artistic views and works, discuss their
merits and demerits, and allow the general public and artistic workers
to determine artistic taste through regular democratic discussion. We
must believe in the people's artistic ability and aesthetic sensibility.
In dealing with conflicts and disputes within academia and in art,
administrative orders should be avoided as much as possible. We should
study in order to deepen our understanding, and improve our art through
democratic and fair discussions.
It is necessary to promote what is correct, to correct what is
incorrect, to suppress what is negative and conservative, and to promote
the healthy development of literature and art. Through the formulation
of relevant rules and regulations, legal provisions, and various
economic cultural policies we can develop sound social, material, and
cultural conditions and an appropriate public opinion environment.
Notes
[^2]. Sun Feiyang & Roderic Day, 2021. Another View on
Tiananmen.
Xi Jinping: On the Relationship Between The Arts and Politics
1989 Oct 15 See all postsXi Jinping
satoshinakamotonetwork@proton.me
https://satoshinakamoto.network
The relationship1 between the arts and politics is one of great theoretical importance. According to Dialectical Materialism, the arts and politics are neither separable nor equivalent.
Literature and art belong to the same social superstructure as politics.[^2] They are thus ultimately determined by, and play a role in, the economic base of society. As Engels once said, "Political, juridical, philosophical, religious, literary, artistic, etc., development is based on economic development. But all these react upon one another and also upon the economic base." 2 The arts are a reflection of society, like philosophy and religion. They are, however, as Engels noted, "ideological spheres that are further removed from their material and economic bases." The relationship of literature and art to the economic base is more indirect than that of politics and law. Both the action of the economic base on literature and the reaction of literature on the economic base are always mediated through other "intermediate links" in the superstructure — morality, philosophy, religion, and especially politics. Because "politics is the most concentrated expression of economics" 3 and in a dominant position within the superstructure, it has the closest and most direct relationship to literature and art. No matter how much influence progressive or reactionary literature has had on society, it must be affirmed that the socio-political context of the time takes precedence in setting the conditions for the creation of said literature, and whatever effect it then has in turn. Without the struggle of the French bourgeoisie against the feudal aristocracy in the 18th century there would have been no Enlightenment literature, and without the extraordinary May Fourth Movement Chinese journalism would not have come into being. Countless such examples affirm the inseparable relationship between literature, art, and politics.
On the other hand, the two — the arts and politics — cannot be reduced to one another. Comrade Mao Zedong, in his Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art, argued that "politics cannot be equated with art, nor can a general world outlook be equated with a method of artistic creation and criticism."4 As elements of the superstructure, the arts and politics have relative independence from each other, and their own specificity. This independence manifests in content, in form, and in method; they are special sorts of intellectual production with irreplaceable social functions. As Mr. Lu Xun writes, "Literature and art are the fires emitted by the national spirit, and they are also the lights that guide the future of the national spirit."5 Literary and artistic works greatly influence the national spirit, the social climate, and even the ideological and cultural standards of future generations. High-quality literature and art may inspire revolutionary ideals, forge national pride, and lift people's hearts and minds. The arts have a particularly critical role to play in the present era. They can unite, inspire, and motivate the people to achieve the "Four Modernizations," to revitalize China, and to develop a conception of socialism with distinctive Chinese characteristics. Such a task cannot be left entirely up to politicians. Marx once discussed the phenomenon of unbalanced development in literature and art, the relationship of material production to artistic flourishing during various historical epochs. He concluded that artistic development proceeds according to its own laws, distinct from those of political and economic development. We must discover and respect these laws when managing literary and artistic production. 6
Decades of practical experience have shown us that correctly understanding the relationship between literature, art, and politics is precisely what allows all of them to thrive. To correctly manage this relationship we are required to draw and implement policies designed to counter and overcome two biased viewpoints in particular.
The first of these is the viewpoint that literature and politics are equivalent, thereby erasing their unique nature. This view completely goes against the law of literary and artistic development. Excessively integrating literature and art into political struggle binds their hands and feet, and turns them into a mere echo of politics. This view is the source of formulaic understandings of the artistic process. It demands artists explicitly declare and underscore certain "lines" or "themes"; it prescribes forms and models and subordinates art to the specific policies of the various different periods. This leads to "False, Big, Empty" artistic creation. From the collections of slogans during the Great Leap Forward, to the mass poetry compositions at Xiao Jinzhuang, the situation of "8 plays for 800 million people" demonstrated how counter-productive such measures could be. They brought about a sense that art was suffocated and that people's thoughts were being confined.
The other viewpoint that must be opposed and overcome is the pursuit of so-called "pure" art. This one argues for detachment from politics, distance from reality, and hides away in ivory towers, preaching "art for art's sake." Literary works created with such prejudice often appear muddled and difficult, or pale and decadent, as a result of being depleted of life and lacking in courage. The result is mournful and nihilistic art. Already 40 years ago Comrade Mao Zedong called on us to "Ensure that literature and art fit well into the whole revolutionary machine as a component part, that they operate as powerful weapons for uniting and educating the people and for attacking and destroying the enemy, and that they help the people fight the enemy with one heart and one mind." 7 In the revolutionary war years art and politics were inseparable. In times of peace and construction, art should also keep pace with the times. Because our literature and art are for the people and for socialism, they cannot be without ideals, goals, and social responsibilities.
Whether it criticizes stereotypes or sings the spirit of the times, whether it denounces negative and ugly phenomena or praises heroic feats, whether it contemplates past history or looks forward and speculates about the future — no matter how different the shapes and colors of our literary production, their social effect should approximate one single goal: they should reflect the people's sense of historical responsibility for national rejuvenation and social progress. This means that works should ultimately promote values such as hard work and courage, unity and struggle, reform and innovation. They should look to improve Chinese people's national self-esteem and self-confidence, and encourage them to stand tall among the world's nations. Countless examples from history — both Chinese and foreign — testify that the truly great works of literature and art are always rooted in the fertile soil of society. They articulate the spirit of the times, echo the footsteps of history, and deeply reflect the socio-political content of their epoch.
Take, for example, the literary creations of this new period. Whether we consider the rebellious poetry in memory of Premier Zhou at Tiananmen Square or the "scar literature" that emerged afterwards, all such works have addressed political questions and aroused strong feelings among the people. It's no wonder Tiananmen poetry came to be recognized as an expression of will and faith, of the intertwined hearts of people and party. It was the unceasing roar of the people, the immortal song of the times. The social impact of art reached unprecedented heights. Many literary works expressing reform themes such as Jiang Zilong's Manager Qiao Assumes Office and He Shiguang's On the Countryside have a large readership because they tackle the burning questions of the day, awaken the people's curiosity, and chronicle political life and both the ups and downs of the whole process. Comrade Deng Xiaoping pointed out:
To correctly understand the relationship between literature and politics, we must conscientiously implement the "adapt ancient and foreign knowledge to our current situation" and "let a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred school of thoughts contend" policies proposed by Comrade Mao Zedong. We must grasp the relationship between Party leadership and the development of literature and art. Deng Xiaoping said:
Firstly, conscientious exercise of political leadership in literature entails clear guidelines as to the primacy of the one central task — economic construction — and the two safeguards — adherence to the Four Cardinal Principles and to Reform and Opening Up.
Secondly, it entails respect. We must respect the work of writers and artists, the laws of literary development, and the needs of both artists and art itself. We must give full play to the creative talents and creative spirit of individual artists and writers. The role of literature and art should be appropriately estimated, and issues of right and wrong should be analyzed and developed in a realistic manner. We must conscientiously implement the principle of letting a hundred flowers bloom, innovating the old and bringing forth the new. Leverage foreign ideas for China, use the past for the present as a compass, and guarantee the freedom of creation and criticism for writers and critics both. In terms of form and style, we should encourage free experimentation. In terms of theory, free discussion. Just as freedom for creativity is extended, there is also an expectation that political and conscientious artists will create works that directly serve the people and socialism, the progress of society, and the stability and unity of the country. Any reckless attitudes towards life and towards society are wrong. We must oppose those who, under the guise of creative freedom, use literature and art as a political tool to promote bourgeois liberalization; those who challenge the line, guidelines, and policies of the Party, and deny its leadership. Literary works are not the best means for cathartic venting. We've already witnessed certain periods where audiences were flooded with obscene books and films, low-quality literary fare. The excuse of "behavioral art" brought "foot washing" 10 and "chicken hatching"11 to the halls of the National Art Museum of China. This trend essentially amounts to the destruction of beauty and the desecration of art in the name thereof.
Thirdly, we should actively promote and develop a lively and healthy culture of art criticism. The different styles, forms, and genres must be open to competition. The debate of literary issues should be encouraged. Newspapers should be at the forefront of implementing the policies of "adapting the old and foreign" and "letting a hundred flowers bloom." They should attempt to be objective, and host healthy, democratic, mutually respectful, and equitable discussions.
Fourthly, we should explore new working methods. Party committees at all levels should be exemplary in their implementation of the policy on literature and art. They should strengthen interactions with literary and artistic workers, brief them on the political situation, listen to their opinions and demands, and do their best to provide them with any assistance they require in order to gain the deepest possible understanding of social life. Adhere to principles with discipline, but without interfering across the board. That said, to ask the Party and the government to refrain from intervening in literature and art altogether is untenable. It is in fact impossible for the government and the ruling party of any country to completely abstain from intervention in the arts. What we ought to do is discuss the scope and means of intervention, as well as its goals. What really matters isn't whether there is more or less intervention, but rather what is its basis and which ends it serves.
We are a socialist country guided by Marxism. The Party's knowledge of literature and art should adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles and focus on grasping the overall political direction. The Party should comment on specific literary and artistic views and works, discuss their merits and demerits, and allow the general public and artistic workers to determine artistic taste through regular democratic discussion. We must believe in the people's artistic ability and aesthetic sensibility. In dealing with conflicts and disputes within academia and in art, administrative orders should be avoided as much as possible. We should study in order to deepen our understanding, and improve our art through democratic and fair discussions.
It is necessary to promote what is correct, to correct what is incorrect, to suppress what is negative and conservative, and to promote the healthy development of literature and art. Through the formulation of relevant rules and regulations, legal provisions, and various economic cultural policies we can develop sound social, material, and cultural conditions and an appropriate public opinion environment.
Notes
[^2]. Sun Feiyang & Roderic Day, 2021. Another View on Tiananmen.
A 36-year-old Xi Jinping, then Communist Party Secretary of the prefecture of Ningde in Fujian, reflects on the auxiliary role that art and literature played in the 1989 Tianamen "colour revolution" operation attempted by the West. It's worth first getting a clear sense of the geopolitical situation of the era to fully understand the importance of this work.↩︎
Friedrich Engels, 1894. Letter to Borgius.↩︎
V. I. Lenin, 1920. The Trade Unions, The Present Situation, and Trotsky's Mistakes.↩︎
Mao Zedong, 1942. Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art.↩︎
With Eyes Wide Open, no official title.↩︎
Thus Marx wrote in the Introduction to his Economic Manuscripts of 1857-1858: "As regards art, it is well known that some of its peaks by no means correspond to the general development of society; nor do they therefore to the material substructure."↩︎
Mao Zedong, 1942. Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art.↩︎
Deng Xiaoping, 1979. Speech Greeting the Fourth Congress of Chinese Writers and Artists.↩︎
Deng Xiaoping, 1979. Speech Greeting the Fourth Congress of Chinese Writers and Artists.↩︎
An artist washed his feet in a bowl decorated with pictures of Ronald Reagan.↩︎
An artist squatted over a clutch of eggs like a chicken.↩︎