Bhagat Singh: Introduction to Dreamland
1931 Mar 1
See all posts
Bhagat Singh: Introduction to Dreamland @ Satoshi Nakamoto
- Author
-
Bhagat Singh
- Email
-
satoshinakamotonetwork@proton.me
- Site
-
https://satoshinakamoto.network
My noble friend, Lala Ram Saran Das, has asked me to write an
introduction to his poetical work, The
Dreamland. I am neither a poet nor a litterateur, neither
am I a journalist nor a critic. Hence, by no stretch of imagination can
I find the justification of the demand. But the circumstances in which I
am placed do not afford any opportunity of discussing the question with
the author arguing back and forth, and thereby do not leave me any
alternative but to comply with the desire of my friend.
As I am not a poet I am not going to discuss it from that point of
view. I have absolutely no knowledge of metre, and do not even know
whether judged from metrical standard it would prove correct. Not being
a litterateur I am not going to discuss it with a view of assigning to
it its right place in the national literature.
I, being a political worker, can at the utmost discuss it only from
that point of view. But here also one factor is making my work
practically impossible, or at least very difficult. As a rule, the
introduction is always written by a man who is at one with the author on
the contents of the work. But here the case is quite different. I do not
see eye to eye with my friend on all the matters. He was aware of the
fact that I differed from him on many vital points. Therefore, my
writing is not going to be an introduction at all. It can at the utmost
amount to a criticism, and its place will be at the end and not in the
beginning of the book.
In the political field, The Dreamland
occupies a very important place. In the prevailing circumstance, it is
filling up a very important gap in the movement. As a matter of fact,
all the political movements of our country that have hitherto played any
important role in our modern history had been lacking in terms of the
ideal which they aimed to achieve. Revolutionary movements are no
exception. In spite of all my efforts, I could not find any
revolutionary party that had clear ideas as to what they were fighting
for, with the exception of the Ghadar Party which, having been inspired
by the USA form of government, clearly stated that they wanted to
replace the existing government by a Republican form of government. All
other parties consisted of men who had but one idea, i.e., to fight
against the alien rulers. That idea is quite laudable but cannot be
termed a revolutionary idea. We must make it clear that revolution does
not merely mean an upheaval or a sanguinary strife. Revolution
necessarily implies the programme of systematic reconstruction of
society on new and better adapted basis, after complete destruction of
the existing state of affairs (i.e., regime).
In the political field the liberals wanted some reform under the
present government, while the extremists demanded a bit more and were
prepared to employ radical means for the same purpose. Among the
revolutionaries, they had always been in favour of extreme methods, with
one idea, i.e., overthrow the foreign domination. No doubt, there had
been some who were in favour of extorting some reforms through those
means. All these movements cannot rightly be designated as a
revolutionary movement.
But L Ram Saran Das is the first revolutionary recruited formally in
the Punjab by a Bengali absconder in 1908. Since then he had been in
touch with the revolutionary movements and finally joined the Ghadar
Party, but retained old ideas that people held about the ideal of their
movement. It has another interesting fact to add to its beauty and
value. L Ram Saran Das was sentenced to death in 1915, and the sentence
was later on commuted to life transportation. Today, sitting in the
condemned cells myself, I can let the readers know authoritatively that
life imprisonment is comparatively a far harder lot than that of death.
L Ram Saran Das actually had to undergo fourteen years of imprisonment.
It was in some southern jail that he wrote this poetry. The then
psychology and mental struggle of the author has stamped its impressions
upon the poetry, and makes it all the more beautiful and interesting. He
had been struggling hard against some depressing mood before he had
decided to write. In the days when many of his comrades had been let off
on undertakings, the temptation had been very strong for everyone, and
for him too. The sweet and painful memories of wife and children added
more to the work. Hence, we find the sudden outburst in the opening
paragraph:
Wife, children, friends that me surround Were poisonous snakes all
around.
He discusses philosophy in the beginning. This philosophy is the
backbone of all the revolutionary movements of Bengal, as well as of the
Punjab. I differ from him on this point very widely. His interpretation
of the universe is teleological and metaphysical, whereas I am a
materialist and my interpretation of the phenomenon would be causal.
Nevertheless, it is by no means out of place or out of date. The general
ideals that are prevailing in our country are more in accordance with
those expressed by him. To fight that depressive mood he resorted to
prayers, as is evident in that the whole of the beginning of the book is
devoted to God, His praise, His definition. Belief in God is the outcome
of mysticism, which is the natural consequence of depression. That this
world is ‘Maya' or ‘Mithya', a dream or a fiction, is clear mysticism
which was originated and developed by Hindu sages of old, such as
Shankaracharya and others. But in the materialist philosophy this mode
of thinking has got absolutely no place. Mysticism of the thinking has
got absolutely no place. But this mysticism of the author is by no means
ignoble or deplorable. It has its own value — mental workers are doing
very productive labour. The only difference is that the socialist
society expects that the mental workers shall no longer be regarded as
superior to the manual workers.
L Ram Saran Das' idea about free education is really worth
considering, and the socialist government has adopted somewhat the same
course in Russia.
His discussion about crime is really the most advanced school of
thought. Crime is the most serious social problem which needs a very
tactful treatment. He has been in jail for the better part of his life.
He has got the practical experience. At one place he employs the typical
jail terms, ‘the light labour, the medium labour, and the hard labour',
etc. Like all other socialists he suggests that, instead of retribution,
i.e., retaliation, the reformative theory should form the basis of
punishment. Not to punish but to reclaim should be the guiding principle
of the administration of justice. Jails should be reformatories and not
veritable hells. In this connection the readers should study the Russian
prison system.
While dealing with militia he discusses war as well. In my opinion,
war as an institution shall only occupy a few pages in the future
Encyclopaedia, and war materials shall adorn the conflicting or diverse
interests that cause war. At the utmost we can say that war shall have
to be retained as an institution for the transitional period. We can
easily understand if we take the example of the present-day Russia.
There is the dictatorship of the proletariat at present. They want to
establish a socialist society. Meanwhile they have to maintain an army
to defend themselves against the capitalist society. But the war-aims
would be different. Imperialist designs shall no more actuate our
dreamland people to wage wars. There shall be no more war trophies. The
revolutionary armies shall march to other lands to bring rulers down
from their thrones and stop their blood-sucking exploitation and thus to
liberate the toiling masses. But there shall not be the primitive
national or racial hatred to goad our men to fight.
World-federation is the most popular and immediate object of all the
free-thinking people and the author has well dilated on the subject, and
his criticism of the so-called "League of Nations" is beautiful.
In a footnote, under stanza 571 (572), the author touches, though
briefly, the question of methods. He says: ‘Such a kingdom cannot be
brought about by physical violent revolutions. It cannot be forced upon
society from without. It must grow from within. ... This can be brought
about by the gradual process of Evolution, by educating the masses on
the lines mentioned above', etc. This statement does not in itself
contain any discrepancy. It is quite correct, but, having not been fully
explained, is liable to create some misunderstanding or, worse still,
confusion. Does it mean that L Ram Saran Das has realised the futility
of the cult of force? Has he become an orthodox believer in
non-violence? No, it does not mean that.
Let me explain what the above quoted statement amounts to. The
revolutionaries know better than anybody else that the socialist society
cannot be brought about by violent means, but that it should grow and
evolve from within. The author suggests education as the only weapon to
be employed. But, everybody can easily realise that the present
government here — or, as a matter of fact, all the capitalist
governments — are not only not going to help any such effort, but on the
contrary, suppress it mercilessly. Then, what will his ‘evolution'
achieve? We, the revolutionaries, are striving to capture power in our
hands and to organize a revolutionary government, which should employ
all its resources for mass education, as is being done in Russia today.
After capturing power, peaceful methods shall be employed for
constructive work; force shall be employed to crush the obstacles. If
that is what the author means, then we are at one. And I am confident
that it is exactly what he means.
I have discussed the book at great length. I have rather criticised
it. But, I am not going to ask for any alteration in it, because this
has got its historical value. These were the ideas of 1914–15
revolutionaries.
I strongly recommend this book to young men in particular, but with a
warning. Please do not read it to follow blindly and take for granted
what is written in it. Read it, criticise it, think over it, try to
formulate your own ideas with its help.
Bhagat Singh: Introduction to Dreamland
1931 Mar 1 See all postsBhagat Singh
satoshinakamotonetwork@proton.me
https://satoshinakamoto.network
My noble friend, Lala Ram Saran Das, has asked me to write an introduction to his poetical work, The Dreamland. I am neither a poet nor a litterateur, neither am I a journalist nor a critic. Hence, by no stretch of imagination can I find the justification of the demand. But the circumstances in which I am placed do not afford any opportunity of discussing the question with the author arguing back and forth, and thereby do not leave me any alternative but to comply with the desire of my friend.
As I am not a poet I am not going to discuss it from that point of view. I have absolutely no knowledge of metre, and do not even know whether judged from metrical standard it would prove correct. Not being a litterateur I am not going to discuss it with a view of assigning to it its right place in the national literature.
I, being a political worker, can at the utmost discuss it only from that point of view. But here also one factor is making my work practically impossible, or at least very difficult. As a rule, the introduction is always written by a man who is at one with the author on the contents of the work. But here the case is quite different. I do not see eye to eye with my friend on all the matters. He was aware of the fact that I differed from him on many vital points. Therefore, my writing is not going to be an introduction at all. It can at the utmost amount to a criticism, and its place will be at the end and not in the beginning of the book.
In the political field, The Dreamland occupies a very important place. In the prevailing circumstance, it is filling up a very important gap in the movement. As a matter of fact, all the political movements of our country that have hitherto played any important role in our modern history had been lacking in terms of the ideal which they aimed to achieve. Revolutionary movements are no exception. In spite of all my efforts, I could not find any revolutionary party that had clear ideas as to what they were fighting for, with the exception of the Ghadar Party which, having been inspired by the USA form of government, clearly stated that they wanted to replace the existing government by a Republican form of government. All other parties consisted of men who had but one idea, i.e., to fight against the alien rulers. That idea is quite laudable but cannot be termed a revolutionary idea. We must make it clear that revolution does not merely mean an upheaval or a sanguinary strife. Revolution necessarily implies the programme of systematic reconstruction of society on new and better adapted basis, after complete destruction of the existing state of affairs (i.e., regime).
In the political field the liberals wanted some reform under the present government, while the extremists demanded a bit more and were prepared to employ radical means for the same purpose. Among the revolutionaries, they had always been in favour of extreme methods, with one idea, i.e., overthrow the foreign domination. No doubt, there had been some who were in favour of extorting some reforms through those means. All these movements cannot rightly be designated as a revolutionary movement.
But L Ram Saran Das is the first revolutionary recruited formally in the Punjab by a Bengali absconder in 1908. Since then he had been in touch with the revolutionary movements and finally joined the Ghadar Party, but retained old ideas that people held about the ideal of their movement. It has another interesting fact to add to its beauty and value. L Ram Saran Das was sentenced to death in 1915, and the sentence was later on commuted to life transportation. Today, sitting in the condemned cells myself, I can let the readers know authoritatively that life imprisonment is comparatively a far harder lot than that of death. L Ram Saran Das actually had to undergo fourteen years of imprisonment. It was in some southern jail that he wrote this poetry. The then psychology and mental struggle of the author has stamped its impressions upon the poetry, and makes it all the more beautiful and interesting. He had been struggling hard against some depressing mood before he had decided to write. In the days when many of his comrades had been let off on undertakings, the temptation had been very strong for everyone, and for him too. The sweet and painful memories of wife and children added more to the work. Hence, we find the sudden outburst in the opening paragraph:
He discusses philosophy in the beginning. This philosophy is the backbone of all the revolutionary movements of Bengal, as well as of the Punjab. I differ from him on this point very widely. His interpretation of the universe is teleological and metaphysical, whereas I am a materialist and my interpretation of the phenomenon would be causal. Nevertheless, it is by no means out of place or out of date. The general ideals that are prevailing in our country are more in accordance with those expressed by him. To fight that depressive mood he resorted to prayers, as is evident in that the whole of the beginning of the book is devoted to God, His praise, His definition. Belief in God is the outcome of mysticism, which is the natural consequence of depression. That this world is ‘Maya' or ‘Mithya', a dream or a fiction, is clear mysticism which was originated and developed by Hindu sages of old, such as Shankaracharya and others. But in the materialist philosophy this mode of thinking has got absolutely no place. Mysticism of the thinking has got absolutely no place. But this mysticism of the author is by no means ignoble or deplorable. It has its own value — mental workers are doing very productive labour. The only difference is that the socialist society expects that the mental workers shall no longer be regarded as superior to the manual workers.
L Ram Saran Das' idea about free education is really worth considering, and the socialist government has adopted somewhat the same course in Russia.
His discussion about crime is really the most advanced school of thought. Crime is the most serious social problem which needs a very tactful treatment. He has been in jail for the better part of his life. He has got the practical experience. At one place he employs the typical jail terms, ‘the light labour, the medium labour, and the hard labour', etc. Like all other socialists he suggests that, instead of retribution, i.e., retaliation, the reformative theory should form the basis of punishment. Not to punish but to reclaim should be the guiding principle of the administration of justice. Jails should be reformatories and not veritable hells. In this connection the readers should study the Russian prison system.
While dealing with militia he discusses war as well. In my opinion, war as an institution shall only occupy a few pages in the future Encyclopaedia, and war materials shall adorn the conflicting or diverse interests that cause war. At the utmost we can say that war shall have to be retained as an institution for the transitional period. We can easily understand if we take the example of the present-day Russia. There is the dictatorship of the proletariat at present. They want to establish a socialist society. Meanwhile they have to maintain an army to defend themselves against the capitalist society. But the war-aims would be different. Imperialist designs shall no more actuate our dreamland people to wage wars. There shall be no more war trophies. The revolutionary armies shall march to other lands to bring rulers down from their thrones and stop their blood-sucking exploitation and thus to liberate the toiling masses. But there shall not be the primitive national or racial hatred to goad our men to fight.
World-federation is the most popular and immediate object of all the free-thinking people and the author has well dilated on the subject, and his criticism of the so-called "League of Nations" is beautiful.
In a footnote, under stanza 571 (572), the author touches, though briefly, the question of methods. He says: ‘Such a kingdom cannot be brought about by physical violent revolutions. It cannot be forced upon society from without. It must grow from within. ... This can be brought about by the gradual process of Evolution, by educating the masses on the lines mentioned above', etc. This statement does not in itself contain any discrepancy. It is quite correct, but, having not been fully explained, is liable to create some misunderstanding or, worse still, confusion. Does it mean that L Ram Saran Das has realised the futility of the cult of force? Has he become an orthodox believer in non-violence? No, it does not mean that.
Let me explain what the above quoted statement amounts to. The revolutionaries know better than anybody else that the socialist society cannot be brought about by violent means, but that it should grow and evolve from within. The author suggests education as the only weapon to be employed. But, everybody can easily realise that the present government here — or, as a matter of fact, all the capitalist governments — are not only not going to help any such effort, but on the contrary, suppress it mercilessly. Then, what will his ‘evolution' achieve? We, the revolutionaries, are striving to capture power in our hands and to organize a revolutionary government, which should employ all its resources for mass education, as is being done in Russia today. After capturing power, peaceful methods shall be employed for constructive work; force shall be employed to crush the obstacles. If that is what the author means, then we are at one. And I am confident that it is exactly what he means.
I have discussed the book at great length. I have rather criticised it. But, I am not going to ask for any alteration in it, because this has got its historical value. These were the ideas of 1914–15 revolutionaries.
I strongly recommend this book to young men in particular, but with a warning. Please do not read it to follow blindly and take for granted what is written in it. Read it, criticise it, think over it, try to formulate your own ideas with its help.